With the Election Campaign behind it, the Irish Republican Socialist Party must now take stock.

In the past 2 years there has been a heavy emphasis on the struggle in the H Blocks and Armagh.

Has this helped or hindered the Party?

The Starry Plough is taking this opportunity to interview Naomi Brennan, Chairperson of the IRSP.

Was the IRSP's results in the Election not a disappointment?

How likely is it that there will be a Broad Front in the near future?

Is it possible for the Working Class to take power by means of Elections?

POTENTIAL

S.P.:
It is early 1982, the hunger strike is over. We have just had an election dominated by the established Dail parties and there appears to be a lull in the Northern war and mass movement. How do you view the potential for socialist activity in these circumstances?

N.B.:
1981 was the year of the hunger strike. Emotions North and South were running high. At that time British Imperialism was the obvious enemy of the Irish people. The February General Election had to be called as a direct result of the impact of the Hunger Strike, which had created a "hung" Dail.

However the main issues this time were not the prisoners or British interference in Irish life but basic bread and butter issues, i.e. where will next week's money come from, how can I afford shoes for the children, is my job secure, etc.

Both FF and FG have sold our economy to the highest bidder, as a result it is the Irish working class who suffer. It is thanks to British Imperialism, multi-nationals and foreign big business - let alone the EEC that the standards of living in Ireland are being daily eroded. There is disgust with thc establishment parties, who can offer nothing to the workers. It is up to socialists now to offer the only viable alternative, the control of our economy by our own people. The potential for change is here. The IRSP fielded 6 candidates - it was the first time we stood nationally on straight IRSP policies, we got 3,500 votes. This, I believe, shows the potential for socialism in Ireland.

S.P.:
The atmosphere of last summer's hunger strike has evaporated. What happens now for the IRSP and the anti-imperialist movement as a whole?

N.B.:
We are certainly faced with a totally new situation. At the height of the campaign hundreds of thousands of people supported the 5 demands. This success was brought about by two factors.

(a) The resolve of the prisoners themselves in their fight against criminalisation and (b) unity of all those who supported them.

In order to advance the anti-imperialist movement it is essential that this unity is maintained and further expanded. The unity of the H-Block/Armagh campaign was a unity achieved around the 5 demands.

Because there was no principled political unity, many problems arose during the campaign. Since the end of the Hunger Strike there have been severe attacks by the State on anti-imperialists. Witness the Embassy 20, Belfast 34 and the savage sentences meted out to the Crumlin Road escapees.

Unless we unite against these attacks we will achieve little, we will be putting forward our programme for anti-imperialist unity to the H-Block Armagh recall conference. None of us is big enough or strong enough to go it alone. We must unite.

BROAD FRONT

S.P.:
Both before and during the Hunger Strike campaign the possibilities of Broad Front activity opened up, in a qualified way. How would you assess that period and what lessons are there for the future?

N.B.:
As I have already said there were many pitfalls during the Hunger Strike campaign. Provisional Sinn Fein, the largest of the anti-imperialist groupings involved, were inclined to be very dogmatic. Many activists felt they were more concerned with controlling that BF than building it.

Many decisions were undemocratically taken. It was mainly due to the non-sectarianism of others and their understanding of the need to preserve unity that the campaign survived.

This brings me back to the point of a principled political unity. It is no use being in a broad front when sections of that front refuse to work for the good of the front, because they disagree with the politics of other organisations (e.g. 1981 elections).

If anti-imperialist unity is to have any future in Ireland, it must be formed on political principles that are accepted by all its participants. These are the lessons which must be put into practice at the recall conference in March.

S.P.:
The general election was fought almost exclusively on economic issues. Some would argue that this type of economic debate makes the IRSP and republicanism irrelevant. What would you say?

N.B.:
Quite the contrary. You see, for as long as Ireland is divided, for as long as it is controlled from outside then for so long also will there be an economic crisis in Ireland. Ireland provides a cheap labour market, it caters to the needs of the EEC and multi-nationals. This means per say that Irish workers are exploited, profits that should come to us are taken out of the country.

As long as Ireland is divided so is our working class, so are the interests and needs of the people north and south. However it is not enough just to unite Ireland under the green flag if the social, political and economics of capitalism still flourish.

This will bring no gains to the Irish people. Our economic programme shows quite clearly how the domination of our country by both foreigners and native big business is responsible for the poverty unemployment, lack of housing etc.

Only within an all-Ireland context can these problems be tackled. Only in a socialist Ireland can they be solved.

SELL OUT

S.P.:
Why do you think SFWP have made a serious electoral breakthrough? What can they offer the working class?

N.B.:
SFWP made gains in this election basically because they have sold out on socialism. They are now pro-imperialist. In the early days of the IRSP they did their utmost to destroy us. For example they are responsible for the death of Seamus Costello.

But they have now developed a respectable image. This has necessitated not only a change in tactics but a complete denial of socialist politics. How could any socialist look to the UDA murder gangs and actively assist them? How could any socialist claim that our membership of the EEC is beneficial to the workers and small farmers of Ireland? And yet these are precisely the supposed socialist politics of SFWP.

SFWP offer capitalist solutions. If only the lazy Irish workers would be more like their European counterparts, if big business and multi-nationals can be encouraged to exploit us further this will solve the economic crisis - SFWP have nothing to offer the Irish Working Class.

DAIL EIREANN

S.P.:
What is your view of Parliamentary and local government Politics? If it is not possible for the working class to transform and control society through such institutions should they not be boycotted?

N.B.:
Firstly we have no illusions in Dail Eireann. We do not believe in the parliamentary road to socialism. But there is much to be learnt and gained by participation in both local and national elections. We do not see ourselves as leaders of sheep nor do we say vote for us and all your problems will be solved.

What we do say, however, is that we will organise in local areas in such a way as to unite the people together that they themselves can fight and win. For example the Turf Lodge residents in Belfast (see S.P. Nov. 81). The institutions of local and national government exist, function and are seen by the vast majority of Irish people to be working in their interests. Under some circumstances it may be desirable to boycott elections.

But we will use whatever method that exists to further our political aims. A good example of using parliament for this purpose can be seen by the Danish anti-EEC MPs who were elected to that body. They report back to their constituencies on the workings of the EEC. They expose it wherever and whenever possible. Some Irish people claim not to recognise Dail Eireann because it is not legitimate - what government in a capitalist country is? It is in the interests of the Irish working class to expose Dail Eireann, and politicians who claim to represent us. In most cases a boycott or abstention will not help each this.

S.P.:
How has the shooting of 3 leading members of the IRSP affected the party?

N.B.:
Since the birth of the IRSP in 1974 we have suffered many attacks from many quarters; SFWP murdered several members, more were assassinated by the British Army, the UDA, and other pro-imperialist forces.

The attacks on H. Flynn, J. Goodman and S. Flynn were no different. Those responsible were knowingly carrying out the work of British imperialism.

Our membership is aware that there is a war being fought in Ireland. A war against the butchery of British Imperialism, a war against poverty and all aspects of our oppression.

We do not expect to come out unscathed. Our comrades are dedicated to the building of socialism in Ireland. We will not be deterred in our efforts.

MEDIA BIAS

S.P.:
Can you explain the media attitude to the IRSP?

N.B.:
We believe there is a deliberate policy of black propaganda against the IRSP. During the February election we issued statements - every day, sometimes twice daily. The media were given copies of our manifesto and invited to press conferences, all to no avail. Not one paper carried any part of our political programme. Yet the moment there is a bank robbery or shooting the media do their level best to connect it to the IRSP.

We have been accused of everything from the murder of policemen, security guards to train robbing. When eventually criminals are charged needless to say there is no retraction in the media.

The IRSP is the only organization which implements the politics of James Connolly. This is reason enough for them to on the one hand deny our political existence and on the other attempt to brand us as bank robbers and gun carriers. Their reaction to us is hostile and pro-imperialist - would you expect anything else from the bourgeois media?

BREAK THROUGH

S.P.:
Despite a relative growth in influence in 1981 the IRSP is still apparently caught between two stools - the pro-imperialist "socialism" of of the Stickies (SFWP) and the straight republicanism (albeit with Socialist leanings) of Provisional Sinn Fein.

How will you achieve a breakthrough in the Socialist republican philosophy and practice?

N.B.:
For the first few years of our existence we were unable to put much of our politics into practice . Our time was spent protecting our movement from attacks, whether by the Free State, Stickies, Loyalists, or other pro-imperialists.

At this stage we have shown that we are a political force to be reckoned with and that our politics do have relevance to the Irish people.

Now that the party is firmly established and has a basic political programme to implement our main job now is to put our politics into practice, on the ground. Our membership has almost doubled since the ending of the Hunger Strikes. We believe this was due to our nonsectarian approach, our socialist politics and ceaseless work in the campaign.

But it is only by being involved locally with the problems of workers, tenants, small farmers, women, education, culture that our politics will come to fruition. We have the key to the solution - Republican Socialism. It is the only philosophy which takes account of the: aspirations of our people from the National, social, political and economic viewpoints.